Help FOR support peace efforts in Colombia and demilitarize U.S. policy.

1. Action alert: No guns for army commander implicated in death squads
2. Wave of violence and threats against grassroots groups
3. Peace Community: Judicial Advances, but Paramilitaries Threaten
4. Extradition: Shipping Out the Truth
   
5. Events in Bay Area & Drop Beats not Bombs tour

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Send a fax to Congress to put a hold on military materiel

A witness testified that Colombian Army commander General Mario Montoya delivered weapons to a paramilitary death squad when he was a commander in Medellín, and the Colombian attorney general has opened an investigation into the charges, the Washington Post revealed on September 17.

In response to reports of hundreds of extrajudicial killings by the army, Congressional appropriators have put a hold on $72 million in military hardware – out of more than $180 million the State Department released in July by certifying that the Colombian government and military is cutting ties to paramilitaries and addressing human rights abuses by the armed forces.

US policymakers continue to give the public excuses for funding and training the Colombian military. "There are many excuses for war, and thousands of reasons to resist it," as the Medellín Youth Network says. The Los Angeles Times also called for a change in Colombia policy this month, saying the army has "murderous thugs on the loose" and insisting that "the U.S. should not be the financial backer of army-sponsored domestic terrorism."

Please send a message to Congressional appropriators today. They have the power to keep a hold on funds for guns, training and hardware for the Colombian army. They should use it! With the recent evidence linking Montoya to the paramilitaries, insist that Congress keep a hold on US military aid to Colombia. To send a message, click here.

Read the full Washington Post report.

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"Post-conflict" is a buzz-word these days in Colombia. Since the demobilization of 30,000 paramilitaries, Colombian government officials often celebrate the country’s "transition’ and many Washington policymakers are convinced that Colombia is now on the right track. In this phase, there are only "emerging criminal networks," a phrase coined to explain the violence that persists in the wake of the demobilization. Government officials say these networks are gangs of criminals responsible for drug running, arms selling and other illegal activities, but they are not the same paramilitaries who terrorized the civilian population for many years. Both terms lead us to believe that Colombia is no longer in the midst of a conflict and that current violence is not politically motivated.

September brought (more) clear evidence that threats and cases of violence still abound in Colombia and that these cases affect the full spectrum of Colombia’s human rights community:

• A leader of Women’s Peaceful Path (La Ruta Pacifica de las Mujeres) was murdered;
• Sugarcane workers were victims of a violent crack down;
• A Nasa indigenous leader, also in Cauca, was killed;
• A member of a rural community that resists the expansion of palm oil plantations was threatened, abducted and held at gunpoint;
• Conscientious objectors in Barrancabermeja received a written death threat;
• Activist and economist Hector Mondragon was put a risk when one of Colombia’s main newspapers falsely accused him of writing to a guerrilla leader.

Peaceful Path of Women Rejects the Murder of one of its Members in Medellín

Bogota, September 25 - Under circumstances that show violence in all its disgrace and society’s degradation, Olga Marina Vergara, a member of the Peaceful Path of Women, was assassinated in Medellín. She was a feminist and peace leader, known for her work defending women in the capital of the Antioquia department. She was massacred on September 24 together with her son, daughter in law and grandson in her own house, in El Prado, a section of the city center.

"These deaths and this massacre are unacceptable. The Peaceful Path of Women, a political feminist collective which works to make visible the effects of war on women’s lives, categorically rejects these events that show once again the degradation of war and society," says Marina Gallego Zapata, the national coordinator of the Peaceful Path of Women. To read the full statement, continue.

Minister of Social Protection Threatens Sugarcane Workers

Thousands of Colombian sugarcane workers in three southwestern states - supported by Colombia's largest labor federation - have been on strike since September 15, calling for basic minimum labor standards. Sadly, sugarcane companies and the Colombian government completely refused to negotiate with the workers and instead sent in state troops to break up the work stoppage. On September 24, riot police sprayed striking workers with tear gas, shouting at them, "this is nothing compared to what you have coming."

On September 23, Minister of Social Protection Diego Palacio, claimed that this is not a workers strike, but organized by vandals and he has information that behind the strike are organizations with shady origins. Palacio, far from providing respect for internal and international guarantees which maintain the right to free association and the formation of unions, acts to delegitimize and put at risk the safety of these workers as well as justify the violent crack down, which has been carried out by the public forces.

In Cauca, an Indigenous Governor Assassinated

On September 28, Raul Mendoza, indigenous governor of the cabildo Peñón, former member of the council of chiefs of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca, and ex-president of the Association of Cabildos of Tierradentro, Nasa Uus, was assassinated in cold blood, at 4:00pm when he was in his home in the city of Popayán, Cauca. The indigenous governor was leading an important process connected to the campaign for the Liberation of Mother Earth, in the Los Naranjos estate, located in the municipality of Sotará, which had been claimed by the displaced Nasa community and had made repeated pronouncements to organisms of the state about threats being made against him.

Members of the Inter-Church Commission Abducted and Threatened at Gunpoint

On September 3, Yimi Armando Jansasoy, a member of Inter-Church Commission Justice and Peace who accompanies the humanitarian and bio-diverse zones of Curvaradó, Chocó, was abducted and forced into a truck. Four armed men then threatened him and his family and demanded the names of everybody who is part of the humanitarian zone of Curvaradó. He was released after an hour and a quarter of intimidations and threats. On September 7, members of Justice and Peace received their seventh death threat by phone and on September 18, these human rights defenders were being followed in Bogota and were told of plans to assassinate members of their organization. These events are considered to be part of the Aguilas Negras’ paramilitary strategy to control the region of Curvaradó and displace the community members from their lands, which have been illegally planted with palm oil. To read more, click here.

Barrancabermeja Youth Collective Receives Threat

The Youth Collective of Barrancabermeja, an organization that defends the rights of young people as conscientious objectors, received a written death threat last week signed by the Aguilas Negras (Black Eagles). The paramilitaries described the youth group’s "petty cultural activities," accusing them of trying to camouflage marijuana smokers, drug addicts, alcoholics, gays, prostitutes and thieves as youth leaders, and accused them of hiding "who they really are, which is unordered guerrillas against freedom and the good functioning of the city." At the bottom of the page, the note is signed, "In the absence of the state and the increase in drug users, alcoholics, places that sell hallucinogenic drugs and businesses where the music is too loud until the late hours of the night, we will carry forth the activities of private justice for a free and tidy community."

The youth group responds to these accusations in a statement describing themselves, their identities and the risks they face. "In this situation [of armed conflict] a group of young people with dreams and hopes lives with the certainty that ideas are more powerful than weapons and that no army can defend peace. This group cries out, "we don’t want to be part of this absurd war in which people kill each other who don’t know each other, for the benefit of those who don’t kill each other and do know one another."

They go on to say, "active non-violence and young people’s work to build peace is at risk and has been threatened by the intolerance and nasty attitude of those who have weapons and hide behind their name Aguilas Negras. This group sows fear, targets us as guerrillas, stigmatizes sexual freedom and the freedom to express our personalities, accusing us of being drug addicts and thieves."

Hector Mondragon’s Choice of Civil Resistance

While US dollars flow to army officials who collaborate with groups on the US list of foreign terrorist organizations, women, workers, indigenous communities, campesinos, youth and human rights defenders are being assassinated, threatened and targeted for the brave work they do. In light of so many cases of paramilitary threats, we urge you to oppose the State Department’s July 29 certification of human rights conditions in Colombia. Contact Congressional leaders to request they maintain a freeze on the military aid funds affected by the certification.

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However, the war in San José has escalated in recent weeks, with paramilitary and army threats to Peace Community members and other peasant farmers in the area.

So while President Uribe was in Washington proclaiming the disappearance of paramilitary groups in Colombia, the Peace Community of San José witnessed recurring actions and threats from hundreds of paramilitary troops.

On September 25, according to community leaders, 200 heavily armed paramilitaries in camouflage with insignias marked AUC – the initials for the supposedly demobilized national paramilitary army – stopped at a school in the settlement of Porvenir, close to La Unión (see map at right, click to enlarge), a Peace Community settlement where the FOR accompaniment team lives. The men reportedly told a family they were looking for guerrillas and everyone who help them in order to kill them, and that they had no problem with the army.

The same afternoon, other paramilitaries killed a man in Mangolo, a community between San José and the town of Apartadó, and left his body on the street, the Peace Community said.

The following day, back in Porvenir, paramilitaries blocked paths for local peasants, saying they had to leave the land, which now belongs to the paramilitaries, and that the Peace Community had to be eliminated, community leaders reported.

Three weeks before, on August 30, hundreds of paramilitaries battled guerrillas in Playa Larga, less than an hour’s walk from a Peace Community settlement and adjacent to Porvenir, leaving dead on both sides. The FOR team in La Unión spoke with community members who heard further combat on several days following the August 30 battle.

Other sources, including the army, have confirmed the presence of 200 to 300 paramilitary troops in the area. One source reports that paramilitaries in the area are using armbands with FCU, for the Urabá Central Front. The paramilitaries are also known as Aguilas Negras, a national paramilitary network whose name has been signed on dozens of threats to civilian activist groups.

The presence in mountainous settlements of between 200 and 300 paramilitaries has not been seen for years in San José – and in fact is rare in most of Colombia. The confirmed presence of so many paramilitary soldiers raises the question – what is the army doing to address this threat? How were paramilitaries able to reorganize in an area that is heavily militarized since the AUC’s demobilization in 2005?

But the army has proffered threats as well. On September 15, army soldiers detained Uberto Higuita in the school in Resbalosa settlement – not far from where a family was killed with machetes in February 2005. The soldiers reportedly told Higuita that he was good for having his head cut off, as is the Peace Community, to remember that they don’t need guns to kill, that they prefer knives.

While we are gratified that Colombian investigators are pursuing prosecution of army officers involved in the February 2005 massacre, it is difficult to celebrate fully when the community continues to be terrorized by army and paramilitary gunmen – not to mention the impunity in the cases of 160 other community residents murdered by the army, paramilitaries and guerrillas.

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Hebert Veloza (aka H.H.), one of the most infamous paramilitary leaders and a key witness in at least three massacres in the San José Peace Community, is currently waiting to be extradited to the United States. He is the next on the list of paramilitary leaders that will have to face charges – and probably serve sentences - in the United States for drug trafficking, production, and/or money laundering.

Nonetheless, with the extradition of these paramilitary leaders, their commitment to Colombian society is on hold, as they will leave unfinished business that was introduced through the Justice and Peace Law of 2005, the law regulating the paramilitaries’ demobilization. Their extradition interrupts the public declarations that these paramilitary leaders are required to fulfill through confessions of all the crimes and violations against humanity that they are responsible for and simultaneously serve prison sentences. In an interview with the daily El Espectador regarding the Justice and Peace Process and his much discussed extradition, H.H declared that he has only shared "50% of the truth" about the crimes that terrorized several regions in the country. When asked, "And the other 50% of the truth will leave for the United States?" his response was, "Well, as soon as I am extradited, yes."

On May 14, the US Department of Justice and the Colombian government successfully completed the extradition of 14 top paramilitary chiefs, fifteen with "Salvatore Mancuso," who was extradited weeks before them. It is important to understand who are these individuals: they are key players in the Colombian conflict. The men constitute almost the whole leadership of the AUC, which was the paramilitaries’ command structure, responsible for terrorizing an entire country, and actively promoted, organized and executed crimes against humanity on scales larger than that of any drug trafficking shipment made to the U.S.

While the notorious: Salvatore Mancuso, Diego Fernando Murillo, Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, Francisco Javier Zuluaga, Guillermo Pérez Alzate, Martín Peñaranda Osorio, Manuel Enrique Torregrosa, Henán Giraldo Serna, Edwin Mauricio Gómez, Diego Alberto Ruiz, Juan Carlos Sierra, Nodier Giraldo Giraldo, and Eduardo Enrique Vengoechea are being prosecuted in New York, Texas, Washington D.C., and Florida, there are victims waiting for justice and reparation throughout the Colombian countryside, particularly in the states of Antioquia, Valle del Cauca, Cesar, Arauca, Nariño, Córdoba and the entire region of Urabá.

Colombian Government and US Embassy

President Uribe said that a primary reason for approving the extradition of the 15 paramilitaries was that these leaders continued to commit crimes while in prison and that, in order to put an end to that, they lost the protection against extradition granted to them by the Justice and Peace Law. The same day the paramilitaries were extradited, President Uribe explained at a press conference that the decision to extradite the paramilitary chiefs was because "…Some of them continued to commit crimes after their incorporation to the Justice and Peace Law, others failed to adequately cooperate with the justice system and all of them failed to give reparations to the victims, since they have not returned the goods and wealth in their possession and/or have been stalling the reparation process."

But we should ask, why didn’t the paramilitaries lose ALL the benefits granted to them by Law 975 of 2005 (i.e. maximum eight years in prison)? Why did they only lose their immunity against extradition to the United States? Instead of controlling the continuous illegal activities of these paramilitary leaders and punishing them for violating the agreements made through the negotiation process, why does the Colombian government agree to extradite them and leave as "unfinished business" the judicial process in their own country?

Read the full story here.

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San Francisco/Berkeley:

Weaving Wisdom
Monday, October 6, 6 pm

You are cordially invited to a "work in progress" screening and discussion of the documentary film Weaving Wisdom produced by Todos Los Pueblos Productions and directed by Nicole Karsin.

Bay Area Video Coalition, 2727 Mairposa Street, 2nd floor, SF

Information: 917-587-7753

¡Que Viva la Montaña! & Alúna
Saturday, October 10, 7:30 pm

Colombian film premier, discussion with the directors, and live Colombian music by Aluna. Benefits grassroots organizations in Colombia.

This is the North American premier of ¡Que Viva la Montaña! (Long live the mountains) a documentary film that follows communities in Valle del Cauca, Colombia, in their strategies and struggles to organize and advance sustainable development after a major flood takes their homes. Alúna is a San Francisco-Bay Area multicultural ethnic and Colombian folkloric band.

La Peña Cultural Center, 3105 Shattuck, Berkeley
$15-$25 sliding scale, no one turned away    

November 5-25, 2008, Speaking, Workshop and Hip-Hop Tour

Drop Beats Not Bombs: Resisting Militarism Through Creative Action

What happens on a tour stop?
*A club or campus show featuring Invincible, an awesome Detroit based emcee, and involving local artists if possible;
*A keynote speaking event featuring Paula Galeano, a Colombian Conscientious Objector, on the situation youth are facing today in Colombia's armed conflict and how they are organizing non-violently to resist it.
*Two workshops – each 1.5-2 hours long - on Conscientious Objection in Colombia & the US, and on Art in Action;
*Classroom visits to Philosophy, Sociology, Political Science, Women's Studies, Latin American Studies; Conflict or Peace Studies, Language & Fine Arts classes, etc.
*Meet-ups with student organizers to help get people connected and involved!

Tour stops and dates in November (some to be confirmed):
Minneapolis, MN 5-6, Chicago, IL 7-8, Carbondale, IL 9-10, Goshen, IN 11-12, Kent, OH 13, Wooster, OH 14, Mulenburg, OH 15, Philly 17, DC 18-19, Ithaca 20-21, NYC 21-23

If you know folks in these areas who might be interested in connecting with this tour, please send them this information! Andi f you are somewhere between Chicago and DC and you would like the tour to organize a tour stop, we have some open slots! Please contact Brie Phillips at 651.757.5353 or peacemakertraining@gmail.com

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This essay of mine was recently included in a collection by the magazine Mother Jones called "Mission Creep: US Military Presence Worldwide."

What impresses about the sprawl of US bases and its reconstitution since 2001 is the lack of accountability. The US military presence overseas serves as an implicit threat of intervention to host countries and neighbors, and so enables the United States to defy international law and other obligations to the global community. The bases are also themselves unaccountable, especially as polluters, purveyors of sexual violence, and sites for torture. For most nations, it is an exercise in frustration to use political, diplomatic, or judicial channels to address the United States' abuses or extralegal demands, because Washington's military stands ready for aggression.

The Pentagon uses a variety of methods to keep itself unaccountable. The arbitrary official numbers given for its military presence are one. Understanding the true extent of that presence is complicated by the increasing use of private contractors to carry out military functions—in Iraq, such contractors are estimated to be nearly as numerous as soldiers under direct military command.

The Defense Department also manipulates language to disguise or pretty up the structure of global military dominance. It has denied that the United States has a base in Ecuador, for example, instead calling the US installation in Manta a "Forward Operating Location" and implying that it is only a parking strip for aircraft, though the US commander there publicly declared the installation "important for "Plan Colombia." When Washington attempted to negotiate continued bases in Panama in the 1990s, the bases were to be called the Multinational Counternarcotics Center. The same semantic sleight of hand is repeated today for facilities in Africa.

The deception and absence of accountability are especially alarming in light of the global-policeman role that Washington has assigned itself, since the United States is increasingly (and openly) an outlaw regime. Whether the US military is welcome in some countries is not a measure of whether military presence is coercive: the preparation for war that these facilities represent, coupled with the preemptive war doctrine, is by its nature coercive. The allocation of humanitarian assistance through the military also only makes sense as an attempt to legitimate the use of coercion that is linked to that assistance.

In this sense, bringing home the US military from its hundreds of overseas bases is linked to a greater commitment to international law and negotiation as means for managing our country's role in the world, instead of through the threat or use of lethal and destructive force.

For readers to understand how such a transformation could occur, it's important to know more of the movements around the world that are contesting US military projection. From Italy to Ecuador, from Puerto Rico and Hawaii to Okinawa, citizen movements have organized against the US arrogation of the "rights" to use land, contaminate the environment, make war, and define what is legitimate. In some places, such as Vieques, Puerto Rico, nonviolent civil disobedience and a mass movement with support around the world forced the Navy to close a bombing range it had called the "crown jewel" of its training facilities. In Ecuador, citizen movements elected a government that has staked its self-determination on the eviction of the US military.

A sensible foreign policy, when the next US president enters office, would neither reflexively try to maintain the same military capacity, nor to project US dominance with reduced military capacity. Instead, the mission itself should be transformed, by redirecting resources toward meeting human needs, away from controlling others' behavior. Instead of being the "indispensable nation," in Madeleine Albright's memorable phrase, US leaders and citizens have an opportunity to see ourselves as part of the community of nations.

Read and comment on the original at http://www.motherjones.com/mojoblog/archives/2008/09/9789_mission-creep-john-lindsay-poland.html.

Today's Los Angeles Times published an editorial titled "Bogota's Bad Apples: Colombia's U.S.-backed military has rebels on the run. But it's also linked to a rise in civilian killings." The editorial cites research by our office at FOR showing U.S. approval and assistance to Colombian army units who are linked to extrajudicial killings in the country. Here is the editorial:

The world is still celebrating Colombia's spectacular July rescue of 15 hostages held for years in the jungle by leftist insurgents, which will go down in history as a textbook example of planning, cunning and military precision. But amid the rejoicing, it's becoming increasingly clear that the hostage-takers are not the only murderous thugs on the loose. Colombia needs to turn its attention to the growing number of murders allegedly committed by its armed forces.

Although the Colombian military has long been plagued by criminality and corruption, its recent successes against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, have diverted attention from its own wrongdoing. But according to a coalition of Colombian human rights groups, the military is killing civilians at an alarming pace -- more than 300 in the last year. Worse, according to the New York-based Fellowship of Reconciliation, 47% of the extrajudicial killings were committed by army units that had been vetted by the U.S. State Department. Such troops are supposed to be the best trained and most sensitive to human rights, making them eligible for U.S. military aid, technology and training.

Collateral damage can be expected in any wide-scale military conflict, but there's evidence that many of the civilian casualties were not the result of carelessness or misjudgment -- killing people has been the route to higher rank. In Colombia, body counts have been the primary measure of the military's success against the guerrillas, and noncombatants tell of soldiers shooting innocents, then alleging that the victims belonged to the FARC, just to increase their tally. Last year, the military issued a directive making the capture or demobilization of rebels the standard for measuring achievement and worthiness for promotion. That move should help, but the culprits in extrajudicial killings still must be brought to justice.

Democratic Sen. Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, chairman of the Senate subcommittee on State Department and foreign operations and the author of a law linking foreign military aid to human rights compliance, has rightly called on Bogota to investigate and prosecute these crimes. The country's military is operating under a culture of impunity that has to change. Colombia has received more than $4 billion in U.S. aid since 2000, much of which has been used in the successful fight against the FARC. But the U.S. should not be the financial backer of army-sponsored domestic terrorism.

More information will continue to emerge as a result of the investigative research that our office, Amnesty International, and other human rights groups are doing on this issue.

1. Letter from the Field: Flowers and Bananas
   
2. February 2005 Massacre: The Army did it
   
3. Killing Metrics
4. Seeking the Truth: An Interview with Guillermo Mateus, 2008 Peace Prize Recipient

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We are exploring many interconnected facets of impunity and strategies of nonviolent resistance. Deepening understanding of the tremendous power and bleakness of the forces that create and maintain impunity is overwhelming, and in this context the spaces of hope, courage, persistence, solidarity, inspiration and community shine all the more brightly. As U.S. citizens we are keeping an eye on the role of the U.S. in the Colombian conflict, and two examples in particular struck me - the flower and banana trades.

Two products that for me have connotations of friendliness, comfort, beauty, innocence, expressions of love - unlike resources like oil and diamonds which the public knows are implicated in horrifying systems of violence. It was devastating to learn about how companies like Chiquita are intimately linked to state violence and paramilitary terror: a paramilitary leader boasted that a major victory was to get arms shipments through the private port of Chiquita, massive violence is used to forcibly displace communities to make way for plantations, and the mechanisms to hold a company like Chiquita accountable and demand justice and reparation are ineffective and offensive at best. The peace community of San Jose has been affected by banana-trade violence and is working in collaboration with other organizations to challenge the company.

While I was familiar with the hideousness of the history of fruit trade in Central and South America, it was new to learn about the flower industry. We heard from a spokesperson from CACTUS, an organization that provides legal support to women workers in the flower industry, which is a case study in unjust trade policies and lived practices. (Neo)colonial patterns of undermining native economic security and food sovereignty by forcing the creation of export-only mono-crop plantations of commercial luxury items to pay off external debt. Not a new story, but I am seeing it with new eyes in a new context. Peace Community banana tree, with mini-bananas just starting to grow.Photo: Sara Koopman In this case flowers (shipped to the U.S. and Europe, with the highest demand of course for Valentines Day) are part of the commercial component of the "war on drugs," "replacing" illicit crops. While this succeeds as an economic model it fails as a development model, and women bear the worst brunt - entering the labor market they are discriminated within it, not allowed to organize, denied workers rights, unable to obtain medical aid for work-related disabilities from cutting flowers and being exposed to pesticides. They are demanding trade with justice, and dignity and visibility as workers in this industry.

Which products do we think deeply about as consumers in the U.S.? While supporting fair trade coffee and chocolate are on the collective radar, it seems that bananas and especially flowers are not understood as emblematic of unjust trade that affects thousands of lives. How do we allow ourselves to be shocked by the familiar? How might flower-flooded holidays like Valentines be a reminder to broaden our vision and compassion and solidarity? The name CACTUS signifies that while a rose cannot be a rose without its thorns, so a cactus always blooms with a flower of hope.

Zara Zimbardo is a member of the National Council of FOR, an independent media producer, and teaches classes on critical media literacy and the politics of representation. She participated in the FOR delegation to Colombia in August that focused on impunity and the struggles to overcome it.

Visit our blog to read more stories from this delegation.

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Ever since the February 2005 massacre, in which members of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, including three children were brutally killed, the Peace Community has signaled the Army’s 17th Brigade as responsible. All along, Colombian officials, including President Uribe, then- Defense Minister Jorge Uribe-Echavarria and the head of the Armed Forces General Ospina vehemently denied the army’s responsibility in the massacre and instead said that FARC guerrillas were responsible. To prove such an assertion, the Colombian state produced false witnesses, maps of military operations and slandered the memory of Peace Community leader Luis Eduardo Guerra by accusing him of being a guerrilla who planned to desert. (They presented this as a motive for the guerrillas ordering Luis Eduardo’s killing.)

Now, more than three years after the massacre, the criminal investigation is showing that the Peace Community was right. Brigade Captain Guillermo Gordillo has accepted responsibility for the massacre and entered in a plea bargain with the attorney’s general office.

Captain Gordillo has also implicated General Jaime Fandiño – commander of the 17th Brigade at the time of the massacre- as having authorized the so-called “Operation Fenix”, a military operation carried out jointly by the Army and Heroes of Tolova paramilitaries troops under the command of Diego Murillo, alias Don Berna.

General Fandiño apparently not only participated in the massacre, but also tried to cover up the truth. Last fall, a paramilitary known as “Melaza” began telling the prosecutors about army and paramilitary responsibility for the massacre. In November, according to Gordillo, General Fandiño called him and ordered him to keep quiet about participation of paramilitary troops in the operation. “He told me under no circumstances should I say that there were armed civilians guiding nor any other personnel but the soldiers,” Gordillo said. The general said “that there were already testimonies of two informants, of two guerrillas, saying that those people had been killed by the [58th Front of] FARC”. Capitan Gordillo also accused Lieutenant Colonel Espinosa of trying to keep Gordillo quiet.

Before being extradited to the United States, “Don Berna” confessed to prosecutors that his men participated in the February 2005 massacre, despite the fact that at the time, he and his Heroes of Tolova paramilitary troops had officially “demobilized” three months before. This shows the failure of the so-called demobilization process: after laying down their arms, paramilitaries engaged in an atrocity such as this massacre. Yet the demobilization process is hailed by both the Colombian and US governments as a reason to continue military aid and ratify the Free Trade Agreement between the two countries.

Another paramilitary leader, Hebert Veloza –alias H.H.- has began to shed light on the ties between the Army –particularly the 17th Brigade-, the banana companies operating in Urabá, including Chiquita Brands, and the atrocities committed by paramilitaries in Urabá. Veloza is in line to be extradited to the United States to face drug-related charges. In a long interview with Colombian daily El Espectador, Veloza explained how the banana companies funded and benefited from killings by paramilitaries. Veloza indicated than when “Heroes de Tolova” demobilized, they turned over some of the weapons given by Chiquita, but not all. That means that weapons that Chiquita purchased and shipped to Urabá were being used by the “Heroes de Tolova” at the time of the 2005 massacre.

Further strong ties between right-wing death squads and the banana industry have begun to surface after the arrest of banana executive and demobilized paramilitary leader Raul Hasbun, who has admitted to coordinating payments by banana companies to paramilitaries. He indicated that part of the strategy included killings of Peace Community members. Chiquita Brands, Del Monte and Dole appear among the banana companies involved in funding the right-wing death squads.

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By John Lindsay-Poland

The Bush administration certified on July 29 that the Colombian government of Alvaro Uribe “has undertaken profound changes to its justice system; military doctrine and practices; and government institutions,” and by certifying released more than $180 million in military assistance to the Colombian armed forces.

The funds, to be used for helicopters, training and other aid, correspond to 18 months of funding that is subject to human rights conditions, including effective prosecution of soldiers for human rights abuses and cutting ties between military and paramilitary forces. During the same 18-month period, the Army reportedly murdered more than 400 Colombians outside of combat, according to data compiled by Colombian human rights groups, including a report presented to the State Department less than a week before the certification was issued.

The 130-page certification document reports progress in investigations and preventive detentions of soldiers for many human rights crimes committed in the last decade. The pace of investigations has been quickened by the addition of 900 prosecutors and investigators, which augurs well for the struggle against impunity.

The question is: Given the nearly total impunity with which soldiers have committed their crimes, what level of effective prosecution for those crimes justifies sending hundreds of millions of dollars worth of lethal assistance? Is impunity for every other killing acceptable? Impunity for three out of four killings? For nine out of ten killings?

For the five-year period ending in mid-2007, human rights groups documented 955 extrajudicial killings by Colombia’s armed forces (nearly all by the army) – for which only two cases involving seven victims had resulted in a conviction and sentence, as of last October. There has indeed been progress: the State Department documents criminal convictions and sentences in an additional seven cases of army killings of civilians that occurred during the same period, involving 10 victims. Although soldiers have been detained or suspended in many other cases, and administrative action has been taken against hundreds of soldiers, the total sum of criminal prosecutions and sentences accounts for 13 out of 955 Colombians killed by the army. In other words, the rate of impunity had been reduced from 99.2% to 98.2%. If that rate of improvement holds steady, impunity for Colombian army killing of civilians will end by 2086.

In addition to certification, legislation known as the “Leahy Amendment” prohibits US assistance to foreign military units that have committed gross human rights abuses. So, could it be that those killings are being committed by parts of the Colombian army that don’t receive US aid?

That’s not the case. Where the responsible was unit was identified, army units financed by the United States in 2006 and/or 2007committed at least 47% of extrajudicial killings in 2007, according to an analysis we conducted, using data from the State Department and the Colombian Human Rights Observatory.

The State Department insists that the Colombian military leadership has changed its policies, and no longer measures its success by the number of insurgents killed. Yet, in a remarkable 10-page section on Colombian “operations to restore civilian government authority” required by US law conditioning assistance, the State Department recounts dozens of military operations, highlighting in each the number of “terrorists killed. ” For State Department officials, apparently, the metrics of killing are still very much the standard for success.

We have another idea. Instead of twisting logic to conform to the desire to continue supporting the Uribe government, the new administration in Washington in January should fully embrace respect for human rights in deed as well as word, and end US aid to the Colombian army.

John Lindsay-Poland is Co-Director of FOR's Task Force on Latin America and the Carribean.

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FOR has awarded its Pfeffer Peace Prize to Guillermo Mateus Corredor, an attorney in the Colombian Inspector Generalís Special Investigations Unit. The unit is charged with investigating human rights violations committed by members of the Colombian Armed Forces and other public officials. The work carried out by Guillermo Mateus and other investigators at the Inspector Generalís office has demonstrated that, contrary to what the government has long claimed, the February 2005 massacre in San JosÈ de ApartadÛ was part of a military operation carried out by the Army and right-wing paramilitaries, and had been planned several days in advance.

The other recipients of this yearís Pfeffer Prize are the Colombian Mennonite leader Ricardo Esquivia, and Service for Peace and Justice (SERPAJ) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. The prize will be awarded on Sunday, September 14 at the FOR Festival of Peace, in Nyack, NY, where Mateus, Esquiva and Pietro Ameglio of SERPAJ-Cuernavaca will be present. FOR spoke with Mateus in Bogot·.

FOR: What motivates to you to do the work that you do?

Guillermo Mateus: Several things. First, to contribute to society through the administration of justice. Second, to give confidence to the victims that through my work, Iíll do everything in my power to find the truth, and to find what happened with their loved ones that were disappeared or murdered.

FOR: How do you go about your work?

Mateus: Sometimes I hear about a crime in the news, sometimes from the victim. In either case, I give it the same importance. I look at the facts and find something that doesnít fit, either in the victimís version of the facts, or the armed forcesí version, or in the crime scene itself. That is how we create several hypotheses of what might have happened.

The most important thing in seeking the truth is the knowledge you get through work experience. In a similar manner, as the methods to commit crimes evolve, so does the way to do forensic investigation. For instance, some time ago, the army used to kill peasants and dress them in fatigues after killing them ñ to pass them off as guerrillas killed in combat. But you could easily find out the truth, because there were no bullet holes in the clothing. You no longer see that.

To me, it doesnít matter the victimís condition: whether the person was a guerilla, a paramilitary, or a peasant. The armed forces often use such conditions as excuses, in cases of extrajudicial executions.

My time in the army helps me in my work, as I am able [now] to understand the context of what the army tells me. [Ed.: Military service is mandatory for all Colombian male adults.]

FOR: How did you get into this work?

Mateus: I started in 1991 as a driver in the Special Investigations Unit. For my work, I had to travel throughout Colombia, for instance seeking Alirio de Jesus Pedraza, a human rights defender that was purportedly disappeared by DAS [the secret police]. He disappeared outside Bogot·. Years later, the Colombian state was found responsible for his disappearance.

In 1993, I became ìspecial agentî at the unit, collecting evidence. I was trained in how to conduct crime scene investigations by U.S. officials, and I then taught the attorney generalís office how to operate some of the equipment. At that time, I was alternating as a special agent and chief of the unit directorís bodyguards. In 1999, I started going to law school and went from just collecting evidence to instructing the investigations. I also participated in an inter-institutional criminal judicial police training.

FOR: How do you approach people in your work?

Mateus: There are ways to reach all types of different people. First, never lie to them. Be honest regarding what can you do and what may happen. As a rule, I never promise something I canít deliver. Some of the people are outlaws while others are innocent; I treat them the same in my process.

FOR: What has been the hardest part of your work?

Mateus: The toughest part is that an investigator, to get results, might interview someone and have the experience of that person getting killed. [Ed.: The work of human rights investigators is extremely difficult due to efforts to silence witnesses, and the culture of impunity that exists.]

FOR: Can you share with us an important achievement?

Mateus: One of the most important moments in my career came with the case of the El Chengue massacre, in which several navy officials were found responsible and fired, including one general, a colonel, one major, and two non-commissioned officers.

In El Chengue, paramilitaries arrived into the town at 4 a.m., while people were sleeping. The paramilitaries separated men from women, and took all the men to one side of the road. They sat them down and then killed them, by hitting them with mallets. They did this because they considered the entire town of being collaborators with the guerrillas. In total, 28 people were killed. Their houses were also burned.

Later on, the attorney investigating the massacre, Yolanda Patermina, was killed. Some of my colleagues working on the investigation from the attorney generalís Technical Investigation Team were also murdered. When we wanted to go to the site, no one would take us there; we had to go in an ambulance, with the mayor of Ovejas (Sucre). When we left, people were hanging from the ambulance, begging us to take them out of there.

My biggest satisfaction has been to show that at the Inspector Generalís office we investigate human rights violations. The country needs to know that there are currently more than 3,000 investigations for forced disappearance being done. My dream is that one day there will be more people investigating such cases. Unfortunately, so many cases remain in impunity. How many more investigations do we have to undertake so the country realizes that indeed there are extrajudicial executions?

A human rights investigator is not born, [she] is made: by going on foot, riding a mule, traveling in the rainforest, and working under extreme climate and among vultures.

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Conscientious Objection and Counter-Recruitment in the U.S.

All across the country, young people are standing up and saying “NO” to military recruiters in their high schools and on their college campuses. Communities are mobilizing to create alternative jobs and find positive opportunities outside of the military. Youth in the military and “civilian” youth are defining themselves as conscientious objectors – those who refuse to fight what they deem as unjust and unnecessary wars.

According to the Center on Conscience and War, hundreds of U.S. soldiers have applied for Conscientious Objector status since the beginning of the Iraq war in 2003, refusing to engage in armed conflict because of their beliefs. Beyond those currently in the military, it is also becoming increasingly popular for non-enlisted youth to examine their attitudes towards war and proclaim themselves as conscientious objectors as well.

Counter recruitment organizing, working to stop youth from joining the military, is ----

In Colombia, forcibly recruiting youth to be involved in the 40-year civil war has been regarded as just another tragic effect of the armed conflict. Currently, all men over 18 must serve in the military unless they meet certain criteria or are able to buy their way out. There are certain sectors of the population who are legally exempt from service, but since the most common form of “irregular” military recruitment entails rounding up boys at places where they meet – at schools, parks, or dance and billiard halls, many youth never have a chance to file for an exemption because they are not aware of an opportunity (or knowledge of their rights) to resist. Without a military service card, men cannot graduate from university or get a job with any private or public company.

Despite a provision in the Colombian Constitution stating, “no one will be obligated to act against their conscience,” the Colombian Constitutional Court has ruled that there is no right to conscientious objection. However, the United Nations has long recognized the right of conscientious objection to military service and Colombia, as a signer of both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, is thereby required to obey.

Written by Liza Smith and Brie Phillips for the Drop Beats Not Bombs 2008 Tour.

Conscientious Objection and Counter-Recruitment in the US

All across the country, young people are standing up and saying “NO” to military recruiters in their high schools and on their college campuses. Communities are mobilizing to create alternative jobs and find positive opportunities outside of the military. Youth in the military and “civilian” youth are defining themselves as conscientious objectors – those who refuse to fight what they deem as unjust and unnecessary wars.

According to the Center on Conscience and War, hundreds of U.S. soldiers have applied for Conscientious Objector status since the beginning of the Iraq war in 2003, refusing to engage in armed conflict because of their beliefs. Beyond those currently in the military, it is also becoming increasingly popular for non-enlisted youth to examine their attitudes towards war and proclaim themselves as conscientious objectors as well.

Counter recruitment organizing, working to stop youth from joining the military, is ----

In Colombia, forcibly recruiting youth to be involved in the 40-year civil war has been regarded as just another tragic effect of the armed conflict. Currently, all men over 18 must serve in the military unless they meet certain criteria or are able to buy their way out. There are certain sectors of the population who are legally exempt from service, but since the most common form of “irregular” military recruitment entails rounding up boys at places where they meet – at schools, parks, or dance and billiard halls, many youth never have a chance to file for an exemption because they are not aware of an opportunity (or knowledge of their rights) to resist. Without a military service card, men cannot graduate from university or get a job with any private or public company.

Despite a provision in the Colombian Constitution stating, “no one will be obligated to act against their conscience,” the Colombian Constitutional Court has ruled that there is no right to conscientious objection. However, the United Nations has long recognized the right of conscientious objection to military service and Colombia, as a signer of both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, is thereby required to obey.

Written by Liza Smith and Brie Phillips for the Drop Beats Not Bombs 2008 Tour.

LinkTV's bilingual program "Latin Pulse" produced a 24-minute program on the Colombian hostage rescue, which aired on July 29. I was part of a panel with three others on the program, which starts about half-way in.

You can also watch it and read and a transcript at LinkTV's web site.

Kudos to John Lindsay-Poland, Co-Director of our Task Force on Latin American and the Carribean, for his research earlier this year that led to a report with Amnesty International on extrajudicial killings committed by Colombian army brigades financed by the United States. The report was mentioned in a recent Los Angeles Times story about the increase in the number of civilians killed by US-supported Colombian military units.

The number of civilians killed by the Colombian armed forces has soared, activist groups allege, with many of the abuses committed by army units that had been vetted by the State Department.

There were 329 so-called extrajudicial killings by the Colombian military and police last year, a coalition of Colombian rights groups asserts in a report, a 48% increase from the 223 reported in 2006.

The Colombian Commission of Jurists, a Bogota-based civil society group that is responsible for verifying many of the deaths, said last week that a significant number of killings of civilians by the armed forces had been reported so far in 2008 in five Colombian states, but provided no precise numbers

A separate analysis of last year's killings by the Fellowship of Reconciliation, a New York-based peace group, alleges that 47% of the homicides were committed by army units that had been scrutinized in 2006 or 2007 by the State Department, which determined that they had complied with human rights requirements, making them eligible for U.S. military aid and training.

- Los Angeles Times: Colombia military atrocities alleged, 8/21/08

The following is a letter from Sara Koopman, recently returned from our August peace delegation to Colombia.

Dear friends and family,

Thanks for all your support vibes last week! Well, I was sweating so much in the tropical hazy heat that there wasn't much danger of me wandering off the path to pee. So, happily I didn't get blown up on the hike up to the peace community, though my stomach, skin and throat did all puff up incredibly - I got miserably sick in several unpleasant ways (thus the delay in this report-back), but I managed to keep it together long enough to be fabulously inspired by the brave folks there who are resisting being displaced from their land (1 in 10 Colombians have been forced to flee their homes and communities - and in the traditionally Afro-Colombian regions it`s more like 1 in 3).

It`s not hard to see why so many different actors want to get their hands on this land - it's stunningly gorgeous incredibly fertile tropical land in mountains that allow for access to a major Caribbean gulf port (that lots of arms and drugs flow in and out of) and access down to several valleys. It's harder to see how the community members have been brave enough to stay, and even serve on the community council, when over a hundred of them have been killed for it. Why are they willing to risk so much to build a peace space in the midst of a hot war zone?

For them, it has a lot to do with holding on to their dignity as the war tries rip it from them - with not being run off their land and forced to beg on the streets in the city, where their skill set is worthless - with not being told what to do by yet another group of men with guns.

There are several ways that they work to make it a peace space - including not allowing any stores in their settlements (unusual when it's a several hour hike to the next settlement) so that armed strangers don't come through creating trouble. Yes, there are folks that sell this or that to their neighbors, but you have to live there to know who can sell you what. They also don't allow alcohol in the peace community - very unusual for the Colombian countryside! But I can see that if you're being attacked for being a pacifist in a war zone, you want to keep your wits about you - and the last thing they need is drunken arguments amongst themselves when tensions are high.

Another way the community is trying to build peace space is by not selling to the banana companies, all of which are connected to the paramilitaries in Colombia (you may have heard of the stink around Chiquita banana paying death squads and unloading arms for them in their private port, but they are certainly not the only one). I'm happy to report that the community has a new agreement to sell their organic mini-bananas to a German solidarity company for a much better price. They're working out the logistics, but they hope to start shipping them soon. That's more than just fair trade, can we call that peace trade? Photos of my trip to the community, including pics of their bananas trees and organic cocoa, are up at http://picasaweb.google.com/sarakoopman/FORDelegation

The peace community also has various other strategies for making peace space, but the most visible, (and the one I am writing the dissertation about) is international accompaniment. FOR, the Fellowship of Reconciliation, has two to three internationals living full time in the one of the smaller and more remote peace community settlements. Community members told us that when the accompaniment started, and was off and on, armed actors would come only when the internationals weren't there. Now that the internationals are there full time, those attacks have backed off (and moved to outlying settlements and areas of the community where there is not accompaniment). But when the community members run in to armed actors on the path they still ask them "if the internationals are still there with you".

It's maddening that our lives, as internationals, are worth so much more than the lives of these incredibly brave campesinos. How can accompaniment tap in to the systems of geopolitical and racial domination and privilege that make our lives, our eyes, our mouths, worth so much more - without reinforcing those same systems of domination? Lots of ideas bouncing around in my head at this point, which will hopefully somehow cook down into a worthwhile dissertation!

Thanks again for all of your support,
with love and solidarity,
Sara

We have just returned to Medellin after days in the countryside and jungle region of Uraba, where the peace community lives in different settlements.  Traveling back and forth from urban to rural environments and hearing people's stories of suffering and resistance is a powerful illustration of different facets of state violence, which seems to always effectively hide behind the mask of justification of attributing all violence to the guerrilla.  It is clear how the War on Terror and War on Drugs discourse in both of our countries mirror and legitimize each other.

It was a huge honor to finally meet the peace community that FOR has collaborated with since 2002 providing protective accompaniment, and to get a more grounded glimpse of the power of international accompaniment in a situation where the lives of those who are obstacles to the state's economic and political vision are rendered horrifyingly expendable.  It is amazing to me that the presence of one, two or three individuals from the U.S. is enough to protect Colombian individuals and communities - how does this work?  Accompaniment deters violence by raising the political cost to the perpetrators, and an international presence also amplifies the legitimacy of different actions and social movements.  Just by being there in a blue FOR t-shirt.

I was full of respect and admiration for the people who have committed themselves to this crucial, life-saving work, and it was a joy to meet and get to know them, in particular during the intense three-hour hike to and from the new settlement of La Holandita to the older settlement of La Union, passing through gorgeous fertile landscapes, inhaling thick green air, stomping through mud, sweating from head to toe, appreciating popsicles more than ever in my entire lifetime.

And, at the same time, this nonviolent strategy of protective accompaniment which uses the power dynamics of "passport privilege", leveraging the structural privilege of nationality and of race to protect the lives of a Colombian campesino community in order to open the political space for them to carry forward with their inspiring vision of peaceful resistance in a situation where paramilitarism has soaked every aspect of life and dominates all spaces, made me sad and uncomfortable as a white U.S. citizen.  Whose lives are given greater worth in the eyes of the state, the mass media, the international community?  Could I imagine a future time when not only the conflict in Colombia dissolves and ceases to hold populations in constant terror and trauma, but when Colombian nationals come to the U.S. to provide strategic accompaniment for those in our country whose lives are dominated and made vulnerable by state injustice?  Is it uncomfortable to imagine the reverse and if so, why?

With global dynamics as they are, I am shaken to my bones with gratitude for the active solidarity work that FOR does in Colombia. Opening political space for peace.  An incredible, radical strategy of collaboration in conditions where the microfiltration of state violence and surveillance into the smallest details of people's lives and community structures and public and private spaces is unbelievable. Unlike anything I have witnessed.  I frequently think of Orwell's 1984 here.  Social fabrics of trust and protection are shredded as individuals are disappeared, forced to turn into an armed actor, their family members threatened, given cell phones to inform on neighbors and community events to the army, or coerced to accept nice-sounding social development "aid"  in exchange for giving up principles of peace and allowing the army access to everything and everyone. As a human rights lawyer explained to us, there is a symbiosis between megaprojects and paramilitaries - the resource rich regions or strategic routes are the places where it is most necessary to have a population that surrenders to labor conditions and gives up their land. Or are disappeared and forcibly displaced.  There are 4 million displaced people in rural Colombia.  Deepening my understanding of this context deepens my appreciation of the power and danger of the decision of the peace community of San Jose de Apartadó to stay on their land and to not bear arms.

It was profound to be repeatedly welcomed with such genuine affection as being part of this organization, and for being a gringa who has traveled all the way here to witness realities that most are blind to, or unwilling to see and feel.  I was touched by how many people from various organizations, urban and rural, mentioned how wonderful it is to meet our delegation, to know that in some way they are not alone, and to feel that reciprocal respect and reinforcement.  I am humbled in my role as a visitor, who can witness and then easily leave realities that others cannot, to feel the responsibility that comes with hearing others' stories, and to be awe-struck by the kindness, humor, humane vision, mutual support, and courage that those who we have met maintain in a system that denies the humanity of so many people and attempts to rip apart so many communities.  It is an honor to be here for this time.  

We are exploring many interconnected facets of impunity and strategies of nonviolent resistance.  Deeping understanding of the tremendous power and bleakness of the forces that create and maintain impunity is overwhelming, and in this context the spaces of hope, courage, persistence, solidarity, inspiration and community shine all the more brightly.  As U.S. citizens we are keeping an eye on the role of the U.S. in the Colombian conflict, and two examples in particular struck me - the flower and banana trades.

Two products that for me have connotations of friendliness, comfort, beauty, innocence, expressions of love - unlike resources like oil and diamonds which the public knows are implicated in horrifying systems of violence. It was  devastating to learn about how companies like Chiquita are intimately linked to state violence and paramilitary terror: a paramilitary leader boasted that a major victory was to get arms shipments through the private port of Chiquita, massive violence is used to forcibly displace communities to make way for plantations, and the mechanisms to hold a company like Chiquita accountable and demand justice and reparation are ineffective and offensive at best. The peace community of San Jose has been affected by  banana trade violence and are working in collaboration with other organizations to challenge the company.

While I was familiar with the hideousness of the history of fruit trade in Central and South America, it was new to learn about the flower industry.  We heard from a spokesperson from CACTUS, an organization that provides legal support to women workers in the flower industry, which is a case study in unjust trade policies and lived practices. (Neo)colonial patterns of undermining native economic security and food sovereignty by forcing the creation of export-only monocrop plantations of commercial luxury items to pay off extrenal debt.  Not a new story, but I am seeing it with new eyes in a new context.  In this case flowers (shipped to the U.S. and Europe, with the highest demand of course for Valentines Day) are part of the commerical component of the "war on drugs", "replacing" illicit crops.  While this succeeds as an economic model it fails as a development model, and women bear the worst brunt -  entering the labor market they are discriminated within it, not allowed to  organize,  denied  workers rights, unable to obtain medical aid for work related disbilities from cutting flowers and being exposed to pesticides.  They are demanding trade with justice, and dignity and visibility as workers in this industry.

Which products do we think deeply about as consumers in the U.S.?  While supporting fair trade coffee and chocolate are on the collective radar, it seems that bananas and especially flowers are not understood as emblematic of unjust trade that affects thousands of lives. How do we allow ourselves to be shocked by the familiar?  How might flower-flooded holidays like Valentines be a reminder to broaden our vision and compassion and solidarity?  The name CACTUS signifies that while a rose cannot be a rose without its thorns, so a cactus always blooms with a flower of hope.

This blog entry comes from Warren Ritter, a member of the recently concluded August Peace Delegation to Colombia.

Coming into this delegation I had an understanding of the Colombian war. However this was my first time out of the U.S. and I was definitely excited and nervous at the same time. I left our first meeting as an FOR team confident and eager to begin our journey.

The hard working members of FOR's Colombian Peace Presence provided us with a schedule of events that was anything but dull. In our meetings with various prestigious human rights organizations such as the Yira Castro Lawyers Collective, Cactus, Hijos E Hijas, and human rights defenders like Ivan Cepeda, we were provided a context of the war and testimonies of their life struggles and work experiences.

We were also trained how to react in certain situations, such as police and/or Military check points that may that we may go through while on the delegation. I believe this was very helpful for all of us but particularly for me since my Spanish is weak at best and one of my fears was that I would not know how to react if asked questions like "Where are you  from?" "What are you doing here?" " What organization are you with?" I learned that the answers to those questions varied depending on who asked and what region you were in. I also learned how to visually identify the various armed actors, which helped reduce my own confusion about who was who.   

Besides the technical and logistical planning that went into our delegation on behalf of the FOR staff, they were also great tour guides providing information on good places to go eat, hang out and general events going on in the areas we visited. These FOR members are dedicated, knowledgeable and all around great people.

Upon visiting the peace community of La Holandita, I was bombarded with kindness from community members and from the children in the community. One of the questions I frequently got from the children was about my tattoo and my long hair. I received styling tips from a fourteen year old community member named Kelly who ultimately became so frustrated with the poor condition of my hair, she said it looked like a birds nest, that she decided to braid it.

Given that Holandita is only three years old, I was astonished how much has already been achieved. There were many housing settlements, a school, a game room, a cafeteria (used by many from FOR and Peace Brigades International), access to running water within the homes, a recently built library, and they are currently working on a septic system for the community. They also had just received a machine that will help in the processing of chocolate which will be used to sell to other nations and fair trade businesses.

The hike to La Union was an amazing one. 2.5 hours in the woods climbing a mountain of beautiful copper-toned mud. Upon reaching La Union we were greeted with light rain showers, which we all appreciated after the long hike, and a hot bowl of Sancocho from Laticia, a community member. Afterwards we met with the community leaders and discussed the socio/political context of La Union. Later that evening, we learned how they get down in La Union by breaking out the speakers for a rumba.  

At all of the settlements we visited, we were greeted with open arms and full plates of food. I have never eaten such good food for such a long period of time. We met great people that embody the definition of resistance.

One of the toughest parts of this delegation for me was to meet so many children that were so intelligent and knowledgeable about the Colombian war, and their status as campesinos within that war. I felt as though every person within the communities had certain dates and times within their own lives and Colombian history engraved in their minds that contributed to their current situation.  

After sharing horrific life experiences which often invoked tears and pain, there was always a sense of hope and strength in the air. What amazes me are the people that live their lives with sincere dedication to resisting the conflict, knowing what dedication may cost them their lives and their families' lives. I am humbled and honored to have been a part of this delegation and to have met such courageous people.

In peace,

Warren Ritter

This blog entry ceoms from Jenny Escobar, a member of the recently concluded August Peace Delegation to Colombia.

We just arrived in San Francisco, a small municipality located in Eastern Antioquia about two hours away from Medellin. San Francisco or San Pacho as the locals call it is located between beautiful mountain ranges surrounded by quiebradas (water falls) that serve to calm the thirst of the rich soil layering this territory. These same quiebradas are also the reason why this region has been an active place of armed conflict and displacement. As our ´tour bus´ struggles to make its way up the hill into the town, people stop and stare at us marking our unusual presence with their dark eyes and thick eyebrows that characterizes the beauty of los paisas.

As we entered, I immediately noticed the militarization of this town. The police station is right at the entrance and military men circulate around the town square with machine guns half their size. However, after our experience in the peace community of San Jose de Apartado, we now understand that the presence of a police station does not mean safety during an armed conflict. Instead is a sign of territory control and makes civilians more vulnerable to attacks from other armed actors. It´s also a sign of there likely being paramilitary presence with the support and collaboration of the military.

As I look out the balcony from my hotel room, I notice kids playing and other people hanging out outside with the sound of techno English music filling the streets of this remote town. I wonder if they feel safe with the military presence or do they share similar experiences of terror and hurt as the women of the Comuna 13 (13th district) from the city of Medellin who also have a strong state military and paramilitary presence?

Operation Orion was one of the worst state sponsored military operations done to La comuna 13. This marginalized district located at the outskirts of Medellin was bombarded by helicopters and gun down on the ground by the military. This was part of Alvaro Uribe´s tactic of democratic security. Some women residents of Comuna 13 shared with us their stories and describe vividly those 16 to 18 hours of military attacks. During this time, civilians hid under their mattresses not being able to come out for the fear of getting shot or bombed. According to the women, they didn´t have a chance to leave their communities since police and soldiers had closed down all points of entry a few days before the operation. Unfortunately, we hear similar testimonies of fear and direct human rights violations from residents of La Esperanza, a settlement within the municipality of San Francisco. Although this is a rural town they have experienced similar tactics of war as their paisanos in the urban city. Forced displacement, forced disappearances, killings, continuous threats have been an everyday reality for them.

Yet, despite all of this, they continue to organize and resist. The women from la Comuna 13 that we met have formed support groups to help them find the strength to cope with their family member´s disappearance or death. They also form spaces of solidarity and support within their violent realities, these spaces provides them with a fresh air of hope in midst of the conflict. These women have found their refuge and strength with the guidance of a catholic nun who lives in the district. They attribute a large part of their persistence in wanting to live and fight for justice in her. As one woman explained "En la guerra lo unico que uno aprende es odio, la hermana nos a ensenado lo que es el amor." (In war the only thing you learned is hate, the nun has taught us about love). For the residents of La Esparanza, their resistance has focused on supporting each other as much as they can so as to not have to leave their lands behind. In other words, to avoid forced displacement. They have been able to maintain themselves in their lands, however, not without taking the blunt of grave human rights violations against them, including fumigations sponsored by Plan Colombia that have contaminated their water, deformed their children and eradicate their food supply.

In this delegation I have witnessed the true meaning of resistance, solidarity and humanity. Everyday Colombianos who have an increidible sense of hope and an indestructible grasp at finding justice continue their endless work within a climate of absolute impunity and a state discourse of post-conflict and democratic security that only a very few are able to convince themselves of.

Jenny Escobar
Predoctoral Student
Psychology Department
University of California, Santa Cruz

This blog entry ceoms from Jenny Escobar, a member of the recently concluded August Peace Delegation to Colombia.

We just arrived in San Francisco, a small municipality located in Eastern Antioquia about two hours away from Medellin. San Francisco or San Pacho as the locals call it is located between beautiful mountain ranges surrounded by quiebradas (water falls) that serve to calm the thirst of the rich soil layering this territory. These same quiebradas are also the reason why this region has been an active place of armed conflict and displacement. As our ´tour bus´ struggles to make its way up the hill into the town, people stop and stare at us marking our unusual presence with their dark eyes and thick eyebrows that characterizes the beauty of los paisas.

As we entered, I immediately noticed the militarization of this town. The police station is right at the entrance and military men circulate around the town square with machine guns half their size. However, after our experience in the peace community of San Jose de Apartado, we now understand that the presence of a police station does not mean safety during an armed conflict. Instead is a sign of territory control and makes civilians more vulnerable to attacks from other armed actors. It´s also a sign of there likely being paramilitary presence with the support and collaboration of the military.

As I look out the balcony from my hotel room, I notice kids playing and other people hanging out outside with the sound of techno English music filling the streets of this remote town. I wonder if they feel safe with the military presence or do they share similar experiences of terror and hurt as the women of the Comuna 13 (13th district) from the city of Medellin who also have a strong state military and paramilitary presence?

Operation Orion was one of the worst state sponsored military operations done to La comuna 13. This marginalized district located at the outskirts of Medellin was bombarded by helicopters and gun down on the ground by the military. This was part of Alvaro Uribe´s tactic of democratic security. Some women residents of Comuna 13 shared with us their stories and describe vividly those 16 to 18 hours of military attacks. During this time, civilians hid under their mattresses not being able to come out for the fear of getting shot or bombed. According to the women, they didn´t have a chance to leave their communities since police and soldiers had closed down all points of entry a few days before the operation. Unfortunately, we hear similar testimonies of fear and direct human rights violations from residents of La Esperanza, a settlement within the municipality of San Francisco. Although this is a rural town they have experienced similar tactics of war as their paisanos in the urban city. Forced displacement, forced disappearances, killings, continuous threats have been an everyday reality for them.

Yet, despite all of this, they continue to organize and resist. The women from la Comuna 13 that we met have formed support groups to help them find the strength to cope with their family member´s disappearance or death. They also form spaces of solidarity and support within their violent realities, these spaces provides them with a fresh air of hope in midst of the conflict. These women have found their refuge and strength with the guidance of a catholic nun who lives in the district. They attribute a large part of their persistence in wanting to live and fight for justice in her. As one woman explained "En la guerra lo unico que uno aprende es odio, la hermana nos a ensenado lo que es el amor." (In war the only thing you learned is hate, the nun has taught us about love). For the residents of La Esparanza, their resistance has focused on supporting each other as much as they can so as to not have to leave their lands behind. In other words, to avoid forced displacement. They have been able to maintain themselves in their lands, however, not without taking the blunt of grave human rights violations against them, including fumigations sponsored by Plan Colombia that have contaminated their water, deformed their children and eradicate their food supply.

In this delegation I have witnessed the true meaning of resistance, solidarity and humanity. Everyday Colombianos who have an increidible sense of hope and an indestructible grasp at finding justice continue their endless work within a climate of absolute impunity and a state discourse of post-conflict and democratic security that only a very few are able to convince themselves of.

Jenny Escobar
Predoctoral Student
Psychology Department
University of California, Santa Cruz

8/19/08 in BeijingShortly before midnight this evening in Beijing, China, at the Olympic Park, five U.S. human rights activists were detained for holding an impromptu and unauthorized gathering in support of Tibet. One of the five individuals was Liza Smith, the national organizer for the Fellowship of Reconciliation's Colombia program.

Liza is a dedicated practitioner of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition and decided to take action in China because she believes in the global struggle for human rights and that all struggles to live in peace, whether in the U.S., Colombia, or Tibet, are deeply interconnected.

At the time of this writing, the whereabouts and status of Liza and her four colleagues -- Jacob Blumenfeld, Samantha Corbin, Amy Johnson, and Lauren Valle -- are unknown. Please keep them in your thoughts.

You can watch a 20-second video of the protesters holding their "Free Tibet" banner and the arrival of the Chinese authorites online, and see photos as well. Click here to see these images, to read bios of the five protesters, and to read a press release issued by Students for a Free Tibet.

UPDATE 8/20/08: Liza's action has been mentioned in the New York Times. Please help increase their impact by spreading the word.

8/19/08 in BeijingShortly before midnight this evening in Beijing, China, at the Olympic Park, five U.S. human rights activists were detained for holding an impromptu and unauthorized gathering in support of Tibet. One of the five individuals was Liza Smith, the national organizer for the Fellowship of Reconciliation's Colombia program.

Liza is a dedicated practitioner of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition and decided to take action in China because she believes in the global struggle for human rights and that all struggles to live in peace, whether in the U.S., Colombia, or Tibet, are deeply interconnected.

At the time of this writing, the whereabouts and status of Liza and her four colleagues -- Jacob Blumenfeld, Samantha Corbin, Amy Johnson, and Lauren Valle -- are unknown. Please keep them in your thoughts.

You can watch a 20-second video of the protesters holding their "Free Tibet" banner and the arrival of the Chinese authorites online, and see photos as well. Click here to see these images, to read bios of the five protesters, and to read a press release issued by Students for a Free Tibet.

UPDATE 8/20/08: Liza's action has been mentioned in the New York Times. Please help increase their impact by spreading the word.

8/19/08 in BeijingShortly before midnight this evening in Beijing, China, at the Olympic Park, five U.S. human rights activists were detained for holding an impromptu and unauthorized gathering in support of Tibet. One of the five individuals was Liza Smith, the national organizer for the Fellowship of Reconciliation's Colombia program.

Liza is a dedicated practitioner of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition and decided to take action in China because she believes in the
global struggle for human rights and that all struggles to live in
peace, whether in the U.S., Colombia, or Tibet, are deeply interconnected.

At the time of this writing, the whereabouts and status of Liza and her four colleagues -- Jacob Blumenfeld, Samantha Corbin, Amy Johnson, and Lauren Valle -- are unknown. Please keep them in your thoughts.

You can watch a 20-second video of the protesters holding their "Free Tibet" banner and the arrival of the Chinese authorites online, and see photos as well. Click here to see these images, to read bios of the five protesters, and to read a press release issued by Students for a Free Tibet.

This piece is from delegate Reggie Hansen, which he was inspired to write and then read aloud to the rural community of La Esperanza, where we heard testimonies of forced displacement, fumigations of farmer's crops as part of Plan Colombia, and forms of community solidarity and resistance.

Impunity is the theme of this 2008 delegation. For me, it's turned into a quest for a proper democracy for Colombia. There is no regard or care for the people of the land. The roads are bad and the way to them are only traversed by mule or foot. Thus, one can only take small loads to the market. Then everyone else takes a piece of the share. From police to buyer. Impunity you say!

There aren't checks and balances to protect those of the land. There is impunity in market for all the people with their hands in your pocket, which I find just as bad as impunity for the assassin. There aren't any checks and balances in the Colombian government. Of course you will have impunity. What else will you have with a totalitarian system. From listening to the different groups we have been meeting with, they are all frustrated and are very strong and brave to be working for justice and peace. There is always hope. I hope it arrives soon.

This piece is from delegate Reggie Hansen, which he was inspired to write and then read aloud to the rural community of La Esperanza, where we heard testimonies of forced displacement, fumigations of farmer's crops as part of Plan Colombia, and forms of community solidarity and resistance.

Impunity is the theme of this 2008 delegation. For me, it's turned into a quest for a proper democracy for Colombia. There is no regard or care for the people of the land. The roads are bad and the way to them are only traversed by mule or foot. Thus, one can only take small loads to the market. Then everyone else takes a piece of the share. From police to buyer. Impunity you say!

There aren't checks and balances to protect those of the land. There is impunity in market for all the people with their hands in your pocket, which I find just as bad as impunity for the assassin. There aren't any checks and balances in the Colombian government. Of course you will have impunity. What else will you have with a totalitarian system. From listening to the different groups we have been meeting with, they are all frustrated and are very strong and brave to be working for justice and peace. There is always hope. I hope it arrives soon.

This piece is from delegate Reggie Hansen, which he was inspired to write and then read aloud to the rural community of La Esperanza, where we heard testimonies of forced displacement, fumigations of farmer's crops as part of Plan Colombia, and forms of community solidarity and resistance.

Impunity is the theme of this 2008 delegation. For me, it's turned into a quest for a proper democracy for Colombia. There is no regard or care for the people of the land. The roads are bad and the way to them are only traversed by mule or foot. Thus, one can only take small loads to the market. Then everyone else takes a piece of the share. From police to buyer. Impunity you say!

There aren't checks and balances to protect those of the land. There is impunity in market for all the people with their hands in your pocket, which I find just as bad as impunity for the assassin. There aren't any checks and balances in the Colombian government. Of course you will have impunity. What else will you have with a totalitarian system. From listening to the different groups we have been meeting with, they are all frustrated and are very strong and brave to be working for justice and peace. There is always hope. I hope it arrives soon.