• Semana por la Paz Days of Prayer and Action: October 1-6

• Peace Community leader to visit U.S.
• August Delegation and "Life Goes On": Semana article about AMOR
• U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Fuels the Fires of the Conflict
• State Department reveals locations of U.S. assistance for military action in Colombia
• Letter from the Field: Reclaiming the Promised Land

Semana por la Paz & Fall Days of Prayer and Action
For the past several years, thousands of churches and people of faith in the U.S. and Colombia have come together to call for an end to the violence in Colombia. Communities throughout Colombia have said no to the violence of war and have chosen instead to celebrate the peace that exists today and that is yet to come. This fall the Week for Peace in Colombia, Semana por la Paz, will be celebrated October 1-6 with various opportunities to reach out for peace in Colombia! Visit www.peaceincolombia.org for more on how to participate as an individual, congregation or solidarity group.
Fall Days of Prayer and Action: On Sunday, October 1, congregations across the country will stand in solidarity with our Colombian brothers and sisters who have endured so much suffering, remembering the victims of Colombia's brutal conflict and praying for a peaceful future in Colombia. Then on Monday, October we will take collective action to ask that U.S. policy promote peace and justice in Colombia rather than military involvement and violence.
Religious Leaders Tour on Development and Peace: Catholic and Mennonite representatives leading this ecumenical effort will be visiting the Washington DC, Chicago, and New York City, metropolitan areas October 4-11. Consider attending a public event or inviting these representatives to meet with your community. See www.peaceincolombia.org/delegation.htm for information on how to participate.

Peace Community Leader to Visit United States
Renato Areiza, coordinator of the Council of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, will visit the U.S. this November. At various events and activities, Renato will present firsthand the story of the community. If you are interested in helping plan or publicize an event, please contact Moira at moira(a)igc.org.

Renato's schedule:
November 2-7: Northern California
November 8-12: Chapel Hill, North Carolina
November 12-15: Washington, DC
November 16-19: School of the Americas Vigil, Columbus, Georgia
November 20-21: Gainesville, Florida

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August Delegation:
Building Peaceful Resistance to the "Other War:
From August 6 to 20, ten delegates, hailing from the U.S., Canada, England and New Zealand, traveled to Colombia to learn about the ongoing conflict and see firsthand FOR's work there. The delegation visited FOR partner organizations in Bogotá, Medellín, and the surrounding areas, and spent several days in the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó.

Please read the front-page Los Angeles Times article about the Peace Community by Chris Kraul, who joined the delegation in San José

One of the organizations visited by the delegation was the Women's Association of Eastern Antioquia (Asociación de Mujeres del Oriente – AMOR). Following is an article in the Colombian magazine Semana about AMOR.

Life Goes On
From Semana, Aug. 14-21 edition #1.267
Translated by Gilberto Villaseñor
Sixty-four Antioqueñan women recently graduated as "huggers" from a course in supporting victims of the conflict.

Fidelina Ocampo was convinced that her husband listened to her talk everyday while she prepared lunch in her house in Alejandría, Antioquia. She even refused to let anyone sit on her kitchen stool saying, "don't you see that my husband is there." But her husband wasn't listening, nor sat in the kitchen. He had been hacked to pieces by paramilitaries more than a year ago, and authorities have only recovered a black boot and a piece of his skin.

Fidelina's trauma lasted until five months ago, when Enid González, a leader of her town and victim of the conflict, began to "hug" her. In other words, Enid listened to her and counseled her on subjects such as grief, self-care, and domestic violence, and she literally gave her hugs. "Even though it sounds silly, our principal objective is to hug people so they don't feel alone," commented Teresa Franco, one of the 64 women who recently graduated from the course as a "promoter of life and mental health" granted by the Javeriana University of Bogotá, the group Conciudadanía, and the Association of Women of Eastern Antioquia (AMOR).

There were in total 19 "hugs" – that is, course meetings - so that 1,000 women who were victims of the armed conflict could recover during the two years of the program. Every month psychologists and social workers counseled the leaders so that they could accompany the victims in their towns through the process of grief and suffering. Guarne, El Peñol, Guatapé, Nariño, Argelia, Rionegro, La Ceja, La Unión, Marinilla y Alejandría benefited from this pilot project that, thanks to its good results, will launch a second round of the program next week in the towns of southwestern Antioquia. This new group will be novel in two ways: ten male victims of the conflict will participate, along with some leaders from Cartagena, Tierralta (Córdoba), and San Pablo (Bolívar) who are interested in replicating this experience in their departments.

When the promoters sit together and share experiences they had with each of their "hugged" women, they hear stories of pain and hard times of the conflict that has plagued part of Antioquia for years. Some accept that the fear and distrust has been so strong in their towns that many people have not been able to recover.

This is the case for one family in Guarne, all of whose members suffer psychological traumas. The mother, for example, does not talk, and despite the support that a promoter has given her for two years, she has still not uttered one word. The father of this same family, after having been considered one of the most well known leaders of his settlement, is now a self-absorbed and passive man. "We believe that what happened in that settlement had to have been quite grave for that family to be left in such a condition," says Estella Gómez, one of the promoters.

The majority of these women, however, prefer to remember the positive histories, those that speak of homes that have recovered and a less bitter quality of life. Their greatest achievement, without a doubt, has been to decrease suffering and recover the trust of 1,000 victims through the hugs. Many, for example, who previously did not leave their houses or speak with their neighbors, now leave their settlements, sharing with others; even after Sunday mass, they will stay in their town plazas spending time with their new friends.

"The objective is to recover the dignity of the victims", said Juan David Villa, a consultant from the Society of Jesus. And since today there aren't only victims in eastern Antioquia, the idea is to spread this initiative to each region touched by the war. As the 64 promoters say, the idea is to hug even the guerrillas and the paramilitaries.

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The U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement:
Fuels the Fires of the Conflict
Thanks to the American Friends Service Committee and Global Exchange for contributing information.

On February 27, 2006, Washington and Bogotá completed negotiations for the proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (FTA), although the text was not released to the public until May. In August, the White House notified Congress of its intent to sign the US-Colombia FTA on or after November 22, after which legislators can approve or reject it.

The U.S.-Colombia FTA is yet another manifestation of the "one-size-fits-all" model that, like the North American Free Trade Agreement, has caused extensive economic, environmental and social devastation. NAFTA and other FTAs have bankrupted farmers, resulted in the loss of millions of jobs, made life-saving medicines unaffordable for poor people, and lowered health, safety and environmental standards. An FTA with Colombia is problematic for many reasons:

• The conflict in Colombia is deeply rooted in economic, social, and political inequalities. Proposals like the FTA , that exacerbate these inequalities, have stoked widespread protests and political insecurity. However, dissent has been met with harsh repression. For example, on May 15, 2006 a national summit called by Afro-Colombians and Indigenous leaders across fourteen provinces in Colombia protested the FTA and militarization. Tens of thousands of people were met with severe repression, resulting in a number of deaths.

• Agriculture is the third most important sector for employment in Colombia, employing 22.7% of workers (almost double the figures for employment in the industrial sector, which generates 13%). Given that 12 years of NAFTA has been a major contributor to the displacement of 1.7 million small scale Mexican farmers, the potential negative impact on Colombian peasants, indigenous and Afro-Colombians is real. For example, significantly privileged under the agreement is Colombian palm oil -- the very same crop that is promoting violence and displacement among Afro-Colombian communities in the Chocó region. Since opening Colombia's market to compete with the U.S. will actually lead to more human insecurity, U.S. trade policy in Colombia is inconsistent with the stated goals of the U.S. government's drug war policy.
• The U.S.-Colombia FTA lacks meaningful provisions to strengthen human rights protections. With regard to labor rights the enforcement and penalty mechanisms in the U.S.-Colombia FTA are weak and provide no credible influence over multinational corporations or Colombian government. Meanwhile, Colombia continues to be the most violent place in the world for trade unionists. According to the National Labor School in Colombia, 70 trade unionists were murdered in 2005. Wages and working conditions in all countries will be hurt if trade pacts continue to encourage corporations to race to the bottom in workers' rights.
• As with other FTAs, the U.S.-Colombia FTA negotiating text was not available to civil society until months after the negotiations were completed. This is despite Colombian constitutional law that dictates such text must be published. In an attempt to reclaim meaningful participation in the process, Nasa indigenous community leaders organized a referendum on the FTA in Cauca in which 98 percent voted "no." Not only were the results ignored and discredited, President Uribe accused organizers of the referendum of being organized by "dark forces of terrorism".

TAKE ACTION
Call Congress and ask them to oppose the FTA with Colombia:
Find numbers and talking points here

Read the complete US-Colombia FTA text.

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What Colombian Army Units get US Aid?
The FOR recently obtained two documents produced by the US State Department that list 235 Colombian military units in the Colombian military and 28 police units that have been screened for US assistance, and units that are using US helicopters. (To see the documents, a map of the units, and comments, visit the CIP blog.

The documents show that the US has cleared for assistance the command staff of the Army's Seventh Division, which includes several brigades with a history of reported abuses. Paramilitaries operated freely in the jurisdiction of the 11th Brigade, which the United States has cleared for direct support according to the document.

The Fourth and 17th Brigades are not listed as receiving direct support, but both are part of the Seventh Division. The Fourth Brigade has been charged with killing dozens of civilians and dressing them in camouflage clothing to look like guerrillas, (See the May Peace Presence Update

Officers and soldiers move between brigades, so that many soldiers in unvetted units have likely received US training. Moreover, the Army Aviation Brigade provides tactical support and mobility to land-based units in the Colombian military. But it is unclear whether the land-based units supported by the Army Aviation Brigade are accounted for in the screening the US carries out for human rights abuses.

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Peace Presence Letter from the Field:
Reclaiming the Promised Land
By Paul Kozak

"God said to Abraham, 'Lift your head up and from where you are standing, look to the North, South, East, and West. All the land that you see, I will give to you and to your children forever."

Genesis 13: 14-15

The story in the book of Genesis is not unique to that time in history, but has obvious relevance to the oppressed peoples of our contemporary world, particularly the millions of marginalized here in Colombia. What does it mean to reclaim one's dignity? To seek what was promised by our beloved, perished ancestors? To what extent are we willing to give of ourselves so that those whom we love may live better?

Before becoming a volunteer for FOR as a human rights accompanier, such questions had mildly permeated the realm of my conscience, gently stirring my immature perspective of the world. After being almost ten months here in the Peace Community of San José, I have witnessed an extraordinary commitment to the goodness of life. My entire being has been stimulated to contemplate profoundly the many selfless sacrifices made by ordinary human beings to improve the living conditions of their neighbors, as well as confront peacefully the threat of violence that is incessantly present. Through simple observance, listening and seeing, I have come to know a truth and love exhibited by these people that has deafened the drums of evil that constantly beat in this part of the hemisphere. What follows is one example of what emerges from the confluence of unity, perseverance, and faith.

In recent months, five courageous families, all of whom are part of the Peace Community, decided to resettle the abandoned village of La Esperanza, a place that had been their home for almost half a century. They were forced to abandon the village almost a decade ago because of a mass displacement provoked by Colombia's armed conflict. The small group of thirty men, women, and children - all of whom are related - ambitiously and excitedly have reclaimed the rich, fertile land that was once theirs. I have had the privilege of accompanying these now joyous people throughout the various stages of resettlement. During the past six months, they worked relentlessly, transforming the vast, desolate stretch of jungle into a comfortable habitation that will be their home. Tasks included clearing the land, harvesting corn and beans, and renovating the dilapidated homes made of wood, tin, and straw. The sweat, fortitude, and determination invested in fully achieving the resettlement of La Esperanza are not traits just particular to the members of these five families, but also to those that came before them.

In the 1950s, hundreds of campesinos from towns surrounding Medellín began migrating north, hoping that the unclaimed territory of this tropical region would enhance their self-sustainability and prosperity. Carrying their humble belongings on their shoulders with axes and machetes in hand, these industrious farmers began carving their way through the area's forests, which previously had only been grazed by indigenous people many centuries ago. In a short time, the pilgrims discovered that these warmer soils were extremely generous and yielded enormous harvests. Since agricultural life was so prosperous, villages and small towns began to form. Quite frequently, as was the case with La Esperanza, extended families claimed either entire plains or mountainsides as their own and dispersed themselves over the expansive land. In the most prosperous years of the 1980s, before violence between guerilla groups and army and paramilitary forces escalated, there were eighty families living tranquilly and happily in La Esperanza. Life was good, as livestock and other farm animals were abundant. Schools, health centers, and various churches provided social services to the families.

I imagine the jubilation and consolation that these first pilgrims must have felt as they reached the peak of the sierra and looked down into a deep green sea. For so long they had been victimized by poverty and worked the soil as peons because they did not have their own land to cultivate. Like Abraham who escaped from Egypt in search of the Promised Land, these Colombians fled misery and slavery journeying to the barren region of Urabá. That first encounter with their freedom must have been an absolute dream come true. No longer would they be subjected to a brutal landowner, nor be at the mercy of daily wage labor. Their liberation and future as well as that of their children and grandchildren seemed bright and secure.

Despite facing challenges arising from the country's weak social and political structure, these people lived freely and abundantly for the 40 years after the initial discovery of their territory. Tragically, in the early to mid-1990s, that stable and vibrant way of life changed drastically and rapidly. Working alongside the Colombian army, paramilitary groups entered the region to combat guerilla forces that also operated in the zone. Intense violence and repression were unleashed against the civilian population, ultimately resulting in mass displacement in 1996. Since then the people had made one attempt to resettle La Esperanza in 2001, but that effort was aborted because of fighting and intimidation perpetrated by the armed groups.

Nearly ten years later, the lives of these families have come full circle. Like their grandparents and great-grandparents, they brought with them axes and machetes and whatever else their bodies could carry during the daunting climb over the mountain summit and down the green valley. They came with the same purpose of starting life over and returning to the Promised Land. The difference now is that, unlike those in the past who settled unknown terrain, these five families have already walked upon these fruitful lands. Maybe they bring with them children or infants who never experienced the graces and joys of their previous life in La Esperanza. Undoubtedly the past will be shared orally with the new generation.

Seeing their pride and elation while accompanying their resettlement is gratifying because I know that, in returning to their homesteads and the lands promised to them by their parents, they have recaptured their dignity and self-respect. In reclaiming the Promised Land, they also confirm their belief in a nonviolent way of life. These five families comprehend that this resettlement might not be easy, for their history demonstrates that violence in this part of Colombia always looms on the horizon. For them to maintain their subsistence and livelihood in La Esperanza, tremendous resilience, dedication, and trust are required.